Plantagenet Chronicles

Part 2

Geoffrey Plantagenet 1128-1154

[Part 1]

In 1128 Geoffrey the Fair, nicknamed Plantagenet because of the sprig of broom he wore in his cap (Fr. genêt -- broom), and soon to be count of Anjou, married the haughty Empress Matilda, daughter and designated heiress of Henry I, king of England and duke of Normandy. When Henry died in 1135, his nephew Stephen of Blois seized the English kingdom. Over the next 19 years, the houses of Anjou and Blois fought for control of England and Normandy. Matilda concentrated on the kingdom and Count Geoffrey on the duchy, where he became duke in 1144. In 1153 King Stephen was persuaded to acknowledge Geoffrey and Matilda's son, Henry, ad his heir to England. Part 2 begins with a highly laudatory and at time florid biography of Geoffrey Plantagenet, written in about 1170 by John of Marmoutier. Full of chivalrous images and daring deeds, it was intended to please Henry II, Geoffrey's son. In contrast, Henry, archdeacon of Huntingdon, shows a relative lack of political prejudice in his History of the English. It was completed by 1154, and in it he graphically describes Stephen's good as well as his bad qualities, bringing his reigh to life.


It is well known to everyone that the Angevin race has flourished under high-spirited and warlike rulers and that they have dominated the people surrounding them with terror. No one questions the fact that they wrought all the destruction within their power upon their neighbours and subjugated the lands around. For those for whom the dominion of Anjou was quite insufficient, bellicose labour acquired the territory of Tours when Odo of Champagne was defeated by the successful Fulk, nicknamed Nerra, in the battle of Braye, and Odo's son, Count Theobald, was vanquished, bound by the law of war and taken prisoner. From the splendid stock of such princes came Geoffrey, the outstanding son of Fulk, king of Jerusalem.

Truly, Geoffrey had any number of outstanding, praiseworthy qualities. As a soldier, he attained the greatest glory and, benefiting equally from good fortune and his own hard work, dedicated himself to the defence of the community and to the liberal arts; he strove to be rightly loved and was honourable to his friends. Not only was he great in the eyes of the world at large, he was more trustworthy that the rest. His words were always good-humoured and his principles were admirable and likeable. He excelled at arguing his own case and possessed a thorough knowledge of antiquity; and because he was educated, he would remember precisely not only what was happening at home but also the wars and deeds of all abroad.


Not merely was he unusually skilled at warfare: it was with outstanding competence that he returned the principality to peace and his people to a quiet life. This man was an energetic soldier and, as I have said, was most shrewd in his upright dealings, exceptionally well educated, generous to all, tall in stature, handsome and red-headed, the father of his country and the scourge of pride.

He was enthusiastic about military feats, meticulous in his justice and graced with almost all good habits. He differed in no respect from the most excellent princes of his time and was loved by all, although he endured much trouble from his own men. Being intelligent and of strong character, he did not allow himself to be corrupted by excess or sloth in early adulthood, but spent his time riding around the country and performing illustrious feats, but saying little about himself as he did so. By such acts, he endeared himself to all and smote fear into the hearts of his enemies.

Gentle and gracious, he had the kindest soul; clement to his citizens, he bore offences and injuries with equanimity. When he heard himself insulted in many quarters, he patiently hid what he felt; he was unusually affable and jovial to all but especially to soldiers. Such was his goodness and generosity that those whom he had subdued by force, he overcame rather by his mercy as I will relate in the following narrative.

1128

When he turned fifteen, Geoffrey was ending his boyhood, blooming in the first flower of youth. Rumour, whose truth was attested by ample evidence, proclaimed the talented youth far and wide until his celebrated name reached the ears of that most glorious king, Henry I of England. The king was well aware that the young man's forefathers were distinguished and sprung from ancient stock, upright in their customs and skilled in the arts of war.


Hearing that the youth was no exception to this, as far as age allowed one to tell, the king decided to join his only daughter Matilda, widow of the Emperor Henry V, to the young man in lawful matrimony.

Heralds were therefore despatched to make petitions to young Geoffrey's father, Fulk V, count of Anjou, to inform him of the royal will. This man, wise and diligent in all matters, treated the royal legates with due honour and willingly promised to ensure that the royal request was granted. Pledges were given and a pact, supported by oaths, removed all trace of doubt. On the king's instruction, the count agreed to send his son, not yet a knight, in style to Rouen the following Whitsun, in order that he should be knighted with others of the same age amid regal festivities. There was no difficulty in arranging this: a just request warrants easy assent.

So, on his father's command, the future son-in-law of the king of England set out for Rouen with five barons, Jacquelin of Maillé, Robert of Semblançay, Hardouin of Saint-Mars, Robert of Blou, Paien of Clairevalle and fifteen of his contemporaries, accompanied by many knights. Rumour, ahead as ever, announced the arrival of the count's son to the king. Henry I rejoiced at what was being said about Geoffrey's arrival and sent some of his more distinguished nobles as his representatives to lead the young man into the royal presence with due honour and attention. Geoffrey entered the hall of the royal palace surrounded by his own men and the king's with a crowd of common people standing around. The king, who was accustomed to stand for nobody, rose and went to meet him and, clasping him in an affecionate embrace, gave him a little kiss, as though he were his son.


Then he took Geoffrey by the hand and bade him sit down with him. The king spoke of all manner of subjects to the young man, putting a great variety of problems to him to discover how wise his responses were during their private conversation. Geoffrey replied succinctly but, as is the wont of the wise, he embellished his words with rhetoric known to few. The king, whose profound admriation grew at every moment, was delighted by the youth's sense and his replies and so the whole day was spent in rejoicing and exultation.

As the next day was dawning, Geoffrey was prepared for his solemn bath, as custom demands of a young man about to become a knight. When the king learned from his chamberlains that the Angevin and those who had come with

him had arisen from the ewer, he summoned them to his presence. After cleansing his body, the noble offspring of the count of Anjou was wrapped in crisp linen, dressed in a ceremonial robe interwoven with gold and covered with a cloak, dyed purple in the blood of oyster and murex. He was shot in silken shoes which had soles that were decorated with lion cubs. His comrades, who were expecting to receive the gift of knighthood with him, were likewise clothed in linen and purple. Decked out in such finery as I have described, the king of England's future son-in-law proceeded from a secret chamber into public view, accompanied by the assembled nobility of his country, bright like the flower of the lily covered in red like a rose.
[Geoffrey Plantagenet's conquests]


The horses were drawn up, the arms brought and distributed to each as was appropriate. To the Angevin, a Spanish horse was let, marvellously bedecked and reputed to outstrip many birds as it ran. Then the young man was fitted with a cuirass second to none, whose double layer of mail cound be pierced by the blow of no lance of javelin, and with iron boots which were also reinforced with two thicknesses of compact mail; his feet were bound with gold spurs and a shield covered in gold motis of lions was hung from his neck. On his head was placed a helme, resplendent with many precious stones, which was of such a quality that it could be cut or destroyed by the blade of no sword; a spear of ash lengthened with Poiteven iron was brought, very last of all, a sword from the royal treasury was carried out to him. It had been preserved from long before, when it had been carefully crafted by that master, Weyland.

Armed thus, our young soldier, who was to be the new flower of knighthood, set forth on his horse, wonderfully fleet and poised, and graceful in his speed. What more? That day, dedicated to the honour and glory of the first campaign, was completely devoted to the practice of military games and to attending to the glory of the body. For no less than seven days, the magnificent celebration of the first campaign of knighthood continued at court.

Once more, messengers were sent to Fulk V of Anjou, this time to announce that he should go to Le Mans eight days after Whitsun to celebrate his son's marriage in due pomp. Fulk did not delay, but assenting gladly, arrived as she had been commanded, in great splendour at the day and place assigned.


King Henry I of England set out from Rouen with Fulk's son and his daughter, the empress (for she had been the emperor's wife), and likewise arrived at Le Mans on the appointed day. From different quarters, they assembled for the service of the nuptial sacrament, which was to be performed by archbishops, bishops, abbots and priests of all ranks.

And so the king's daughter was given in wedlock to the son of the count of Anjou and the bishops investigated the mutual consent of the couple to the match. For all strength and efficacy of marriage lies in consent; indeed, consent makes marriage. Both consented and each promised their faith to the other who they were about to serve, and solemn Masses blessing their marriage were celebrated.

There was rejoicing amidst the clergy, dancing by the people and the shouting of praise by all and sundry, whether native or foreigner, rich, middling or poor, noble or commoner, soldier or husbandman drawn in by the general rejoicing. He

who was unconcerned by the wedding festivities was doubtless deemed a traitor. Men and women spent the wedding feast taking their fill of the different dishes. For three weeks, the marriage was celebrated without a break and, when it was over, no one left without a gift.

Then Henry I left his son-in-law and daughter with the kiss of peace and turned his attention to other matters. Count Fulk of Anjou returned with the couple to Angers. While they were still some way off, the whole city hurried to prepare for them, instructions were given out and walls of the churches were decorated with hangings and covers; all the clergy went in loyal procession to meet them, in copes and albs, with candles, books and crosses, singing hymns and praises. The new lord and lady were received by priest and people with solemn dances. Thereafter, they lived confortably and ennobled the island of Great Britain and the transmaritime parts with the issued of a magnificent heir [the future Henry II].[Geoffrey and Matilda][Life in Anjou]


Once the father had been elevated to the kingdom of Jerusalem as I have described, Count Geoffrey devoted his time to feats of arms and strove for honour. Before long, a day was named for a tournament to be held between the Normans and Bretons on a sandy hill pasture. To the aid of the Norman side, came William Clito, count of Flanders, Theobald, count of Blois, and his brother Stephen, lord of Mortain, the future king of England, These three were nephews of Henry I. The count met them and increased their number. By way of an adversary, there stood the Breton line, agile in arms and mind but few in number.

When Geoffrey saw that the Breton troops which had assembled were few, he broke away from the multitude and offered his services to them. The company assembled and the lines joined battle. There was much clashing of arm, the clarions rang out and the voice of the horn resounded with many notes while their steeds let out dissonant neighs.

Mont-Saint-Michel itself glittered with the sunbeams reflected by their gold shields. They were as one in the competition; the shafts of their spears were broken and their swords were destroyed. Now foot was bruised by foot and shoulder pushed back by shoulder. Saddles were emptied and horsemen flung to the ground. Horses which had thrown their riders and broken their reins wandered whinnying. A notable terror to the adversary, Geoffrey sought out and attacked his enemies and, running to and fro, hurling lances and brandishing his sword, he deprived many of their lives. The Bretons pursued their hope of victory, with the count leading the way, and inflicted many kinds of death on their foe. The Angevin presssed on more ferocious than the lion, the Breton phalanx pushed forward, confident of victory, and the Normans, exhausted by the great struggle, showed their backs and took flight -- the majority defeated by the few -- forced to repair to their camp. Indeed, the Normans, disheartened by the unexpected confusion, proposed single combat to the Bretons.


When talk of the tournament spread beyond the sea, a Saxon soldier of enormous stature arrived, whose strength and daring gave the Normans confidence to assume victory. He set forth from the Norman camp, taller than any other human by far and, taking up position in a prominent place, he taunted the Breton line and dared them to name a man who would meet him in individual combat. The faces of his listeners grew pale and the strength drained from brave men. They feared for the person who went into single combat with such a monster.

Geoffrey watched these courageous men reduced to weakness and wailing when summoned individually. Then he yelled ferociously and refusing to suffer such taunts as were being thrown out, rode forward on his horse. Taking up his weapons and, in front of the crowd watching on all sides, he went into battle with the giant soldier.

 

The fight was hard: that man, whose force was superhuman, had a lance like a beam and when he attacked the Angevin, he pierced the count's shield and cuirass, not without spilling much blood. But our hero remained immovable, as though rooted to his horse, and he tranfixed his assailant by hurling his javelin. Then, standing over his impaled adversary, he beheaded him with his sword. Leading the horse of the defeated man by his victorious hand, as though in possession of a trophy, the shame of the Normans and the glory of his own men, the famous victor went away. Wicked noblemen are always jealous of the upright, and they say that Geoffrey, though the king's son-in-law, existed more safely among his own people where he was disturbed by no fear of capture. For this reason, this exceptional mirror of knighthood, who sought sweet fodder for his fame and was eager for sport, began to seek out tournaments in Flanders, striving there for opportunities to perform great deeds, desirous of praise as he was.


Geoffrey enjoyed hunting when he could afford the time; this diversion, pleasing and available to some, has often driven away dark cares and led men back, after their fill of recreation, all the more ready for duty. For this reason, the count hunted quite often. The hunters would enter the woods and unleash their cunning hounds as is customary, and the dogs, following the beast by the traces of its scent, would find it with a speed that was difficult to believe, leading the count by their barking.

On this particular occasion, the count hurries to anticipate the winding, circling paths of his almost runaway dogs. He climbs the quickest ways but has no luck, for while the best he had hoped for is drawn down by his dogs, he is force to flee elsewhere, and although he believes himself to be nearer to his companions than to his dogs, he is in fact further away. It was thus that he wandered all day, dicovering neither his friends nor hounds nor anyone who had seen them. At last,

as the sun was hastening to close the day, he caught sight of a peasant amid the undergrowth of a coppice. The man was covered in soot and the blackest of garments clothed his body down to his loins. His occupation was plain from what he wore: he sweated in making charcoal for workmen and it was for this reason that his face and clothing had acquired that colour.

When Geoffrey saw him, he did not despise him as a rich man a pauper but, as man acknowledges man in the suffering of an individual, he lamented the common misfortune of mankind, remembering that utterance of the first man: 'By the sweat of your brow will you eat your bread.'

Geoffrey greeted the man kindly and asked him 'Can you tell me, my good man, if you know a road which leads to the castle at Loches?'

 

The other replied, 'If I did not know, I would not take my charcoal there so often to sell.'

The count said, 'So take me, dear fellow, along your path to the public highway, before I become completely lost in the lonely places of these woods.'

'Master,' said the peasant, 'you who ride a horse have no trouble in feeding your spirit and clothing your body. But if I stop work, I perish and my family with me.'

Do not delay but come, I beg you, where I ask,' was the response, 'for I will pay the price of your journey.'

Then the fellow, looking at him and suspecting I know not what divine occurrence, bowed and answered, 'I am not afraid of what will befall me. I will go with you wherever you order.'

The count gratefully embraced him and bade him sit behind on his horse. The peasant gladly placed Geoffrey on the road he was seeking after a while, all the time taking note of the nobleman's humility and marvelling at his gentleness.

 

But more is to follow.

Now the count strikes up friendly conversation with the peasant. And among other things, he asks him, 'What do men say or our count? Tell me, good fellow. And what do they think of the nobility? What are the opinions of the populace?'

The other answered, 'As far as the count is concerned, and the things which happen in his presence, we neither say nor feel anything bad of him. But as for us, lord, we suffer many enemies of whom he is unaware, and the worse they are, the more secretive they are. For no enemy is so difficult to guard against or so ready to wound as the enemy at home, and it is these that we cannot and dare not resist.'

And is it possible', said the count, 'for our lord to sway their opinion or to discharge them?'

The other replied, 'He could do both, my lord, if these wicked deeds were not done under guise of obedience to him.'

'Then', said the count, 'tell me carefully more about these enemies and explain their evil deeds to me. For perhaps when the time is ripe, I wlll not be silent before the count.'


'Lord, our oppressors are the reeves, bailiffs and other servants of our lord the count. Whenever he comes to one of his castles, his servants seize goods on credit, wherever they are available, without prayer or price. Those who have bought are silent, the count leaves and the creditors seek repayment. Then, lord, pitiful to relate, they either totally deny owing anything or they defer payment until their creditors are glad to accept half of what is owed.'

The our wise hero, concealing the anger which he could not but feel at hearing himself so cruelly fed, said smiling to the peasant, 'But they have fertile land for nothing, these men who both usurp what is due to the count and make him live unawares on rapine.' And then he added, 'Peace, peace. But it is not peace where the land is so badly devastated by domestic enemies.'

The peasant told him, 'But you haven't heard all yet, master.'

'I will gladly hear everything,' said Geoffrey. 'Explain it all carefully and fairly, for I love the count and, presuming on my friendship, I will be sure to tell him what they do.'

'Perhaps', continued the peasant, 'it has happened by the will

of God that I should tell to your ears today what I could not tell the count myself and that it will not be hidden from the count by you. Listen therefore, lord, and not for the worse. After the harvest has been gathered in, the count's reeves go out to the villages, and coercing one of the farmers by a new law, they place an exaction on his crop with much violence. Then, dreadful to relate, these men demand one-sixteenth of the crop, these two-sixteenths and those more if it can be hoped to obtain it. And if, perchance, there should be someone to contradict this levy, he is dragged into a law-suit and prosecuted by the reeves' followers. He is accused of false crimes, and thus no one escapes the greedy hands of the wicked judges until, purse exhausted, he regrets that his thrift contravened these perverse laws.'

The count thought, 'Evil be to him who founds such laws.' Aloud he said, 'Vengeance is mine and I will bring retribution on them before long. Tell me more and keep nothing back. What else is there to hear of those illustrious men? Would that the count (and he spoke of himself) knew of their misdeeds.'

'It is a wonder, my lord,' the peasant said, 'to see how they conceal from our lord the count what is executed in the presence of all, unless it is usual for masters to be the last to


know what happens in their own houses. I will add one more incident to what I have been told and then I will put a stop to my tale lest, stammering in a country fashion, I cause offence to your fine ears.'

Geoffrey replied: 'Speak and fear not. No one speaks more elegantly than when he is speaking the truth.'

The other continued, 'When some warning of war begins to be heard, whether true or invented by them, then these reeves send out their hangers-on who put great effort into spreading the rumour, and by means of a public edict announced by heralds, they gather husbandmen from all parts and fill the castles with them, under the pretext of guard duty, leaving the countryside deserted. Then their accomplices, secretly despatched, secretly summon individuals and console them for their loss as though they have always been their comforters. They encourage the husbandmen to buy permission to return from their reeves by offering secret gifts, as though this is good advice. And for every man allowed to return, there are others, wretched farmers, who are weighed down by debt and owe their few coppers to another and who are forcde to stay in the castles. Such, my lord, are men by whom the countryside is sorely afflicted. He who toils in peace is almost as unfortunate as he who perishes in war.'

The peasant had said all and now they were entering the town.

I should not pass over the repeated, wretched murmuring that was growing at the count's absence. In his court, each man asked the others of Geoffrey's whereabouts and no one replied with good news; at dusk their distress greatly increased. One and all hung motionless with terrified eyes upon the road by which he was accustomed to return from the forest when suddenly the longed-for figure arrives, cheerfully addressing the first man he meets, as was his habit. Recognizing the count's voice, that person could not answer to joy but ran ahead shouting with what voice he had that the count had returned, and pointing to him.

The the peasant realized whose guide he had been and with whom he had conversed. Convinced he could no longer cling to the count's back, he suddenly tried to jump to the ground. The count felt this and, holding him as he lurched, said with a smile, 'So, ought I to dispense with my guide through whose assistance I have been brought back to my people? That will not do.' And with the crowd flocking round on all sides, the peasant was borne on high on the count's hourse, whether he liked it or not.[Aquitaine]


They came to the time for a banquet. Changed into clothes generously provided by the count, he, a peasant, reclined amid the leading men of the court. A peasant was honoured with the most sumptuous dishes of food; a peasant dined off gold and most of the adventure was related to the court either by the count or by the peasant.

When the count had returned from Mass the next day, he ordered that his guide be summoned and said, 'I free you and your heirs from all exactions and services and I ordain that you be freemen, free in every respect. Return therefore to your family and lead a somewhat easier life.' Having said this, the count ordered that the man be escorted back to his own parts.

The count was outstanding above all because he made it his duty to spare the weak. Now, however, I shall lay before you an example of the way in which he knew how to subdue the mighty.

Count Theobald II of Blois and Champagne was an illustrious man, one of the richest of his day in France, utterly faithful and quite blameless. Within his dominion, William, count of Nevers and Hugh, lord of Cosne, nicknamed the 'Manceau',

were constantly squabbling with each other, although Theobald would often invite them to bring their case before his court. At length, that scoundrel of Nevers, who preferred to defeat his enemy by force rather than to have recourse to law, fled from Count Theobald's court.

King Louis VI of France was meanwhile quietly consolidating his power guided by Abbot Suger of Saint-Denis. [minister]

During the protracted and continuous struggle which ensued, the count of Nevers enlisted the help of the king of France, Louis VI, and of the bishop of Autun, both of whom brought large armies to his side, because he wanted to vanquish his opponent completely. So the king, the prelate and the count mustered their three armies and besieged Hugh in the castle which is known as Cosne. There was not the slighted hope of escape; with the forces entrenched on every side, none could enter and none could leave. In desperation, 'Manceau' sent envoys to Count Theobald to explain their plight and to beseech help. Without waiting, for there was danger in delay, that worthy man ordered his men to go there and asked his neighbours and allies for assistance too. Of these men he particularly implored Geoffrey of Anjou, but with confidence for he trusted totally in that count's help.


Our hero did not delay; he was ever swift to assist his friends, would promise forces and be faithful to his pledge.

Geoffrey summoned a band of one hundred and forty knights, chosen and sturdy comrades, and with three hundred auxiliaries he hastened forward. He combined forces with Theobald and together the two hurried to rescue the besieged 'Manceau'. But rumour of their arrival flew ahead and reached the ears of the king of France, who wisely broke camp and left the siege.

Hatred for his enemy caused the count of Nevers to delay his flight a little, however. So Count Geoffrey set about pursuing him while Count Theobald dealt with those who remained. Then you should have seen the noble Geoffrey, with his companions of honour, holding up the lions emblazoned on his shield although, truly, he was inferior to no lion in ferocity. He chased fiercely those fleeing, as though he were a military thunderbolt, or went to the aid of his friends. Some runaways he cut down with his sword, others he stretched out on the ground when he attacked. No one fled him unwounded.

What more? When many had died and more had fled, Geoffrey took the count of Nevers himself prisoner and

handed him over, bound, to Count Theobald.

Our count, Geoffrey, was distinguished then by those outstanding virtues and by great integrity. He was at once human and mercifully gentle and upright, strong and courageously spirited. This is how it was true of him that he 'spared the weak and subdued the mighty'.

Meanwhile in the Holy Land Fulk of Anjou, king of Jerusalem, was struggling against the growing power of the Islamic champion Zengi, who ruled in Mosul from 1127 onwards. Such was Zengi's success that Jerusalem might well have fallen in the 1130s had not the emir of Damascus and the emperor of Constantinople come to Fulk's aid. In 1136 Fulk summoned Raymond of Poitiers, the handsome and able younger son of Duke William IX of Aquitaine, to Palestine. He was to be the bridegroom of the nine-year-old Constance, princess of Antioch. This was a strategically important dependent state of the kingdom of Jerusalem, and Raymond was needed to help Fulk in his defence of the Holy Land.[Princes of Antioch]

After several years had passed, while Count Geoffrey was flourishing in prosperity, Robert of Sablé with his allies made war against Geoffrey.


John of Marmoutier now describes in considerable detail the numerous campaigns of Count Geoffrey against his unruly castellans, among them the lords of Sablé.

Rober of Sablé made the barons of the entire territory by oaths his despicable comrades. Even Elias, the count of Maine, brother of the count of Anjou, by the advice of wicked men, attacked his brother. When Geoffrey had captured Elias, he kept him for many days at Tours, but after he had been released from there, the youth died, having caught a serious illness in prison.

Meanwhile, having conferred with his own men, Count Geoffrey seized the opportunity to enter his enemy's land, judging it more prudent to attack them in their own lands, rather than leaving it to them to attack him. Consequently, with hand-picked knights and many foot-soldiers, the count himself went after that rebellious and hostile people who were immediately forced to flee, even the foot-soldiers. Then Robert's men came out against the count. He held back from a headlong attack, for the men of Sablé, having been alerted to his approach, had set up ambushes. Geoffrey, seeing that it had become necessary for him to prepare his force for battle, drove Robert of Sablé back within the castle, having both killed and wounded many of his men and captured others. The count, the victor, then retired to his own place.

1132

Then in the fourth year since the aforesaid marriage [of Geoffrey and Matilda], his first son, Henry, was born to Count Geoffrey. He was the future King Henry II of England. In the fifth year, Geoffrey was born and in the sixth year William.

1135

In 1135, after precisely thirty-five years and four months of his own reign, in exactly the seventy-seventh year of his own age, on 1 December, King Henry I of England died at Rouen, in the place known as Lyons-la-Forêt. The Normans kept his intestines, and the rest of his body the English carried away to a tomb [in the abbey at Reading].

King Henry having died as we have said, Stephen, the count of Mortain, the brother of Theobald II, count of Blois and Champagne, a nephew of the dead king, was improperly elevated into the kingship and crowned king of England.

In that year Count Geoffrey of Anjou, with appointed men, entered Normandy, intending to conquer it as an inheritance for his son.


Meanwhile the Empress Matilda, the count's wife, having crossed he tsea with a full band of knights, though by sex a woman yet with manly strength did she attack the English, maintaining that the inheritance which was hers by right she would obtain by arms. The news flew, and having come to the ears of King Stephen, it was declared that the kingdom was in danger, for the empress had overcome many of the English by force and many of them had at once surrendered to her; so that unless he hastened back to England quickly he would lose the crown of the kingdom. The king, compelled by the bad news, sailed with as many men as he could allow from his host of warriors.

John of Mamoutier next gives an idealized account of Geoffrey's conquest of Normandy (1142-4) which suggests -- inaccurately -- that the count's progress was met with more enthusiasm than hostility in the duchy.

Then the energetic Count Geoffrey, who was struggling in his fight against the collected army of Stephen, having ascertained that God would fight for him against the castles of the impious king, and having learned of his retreat, did not waste the advantage of the hour, but advanced. He entered the land, besieged Mortain, took hostages and sureties, received the inhabitants in peace, governed them humanely, protecting their possessions unharmed from the army.

The count then moving his army, came to Carentan. Having received that place in surrender without a fight, he hastened to the city of Bayeux. Both the citizens and the bishop, hearing of his approach, came in peace and rejoicing, and accepted him in his authority, doing homage and swearing to aid him against all his adversaries.

Moving on from Bayeux, the count made for St Lô, which the bishop of Coutances, who controlled the place, had fortified against him. The soldiers within numbered about two hundred. And going out to battle against the count, they were forced to flee back to the town at his first attack. Holding up for the first and second day, on the third day they surrenered. The defenders opened the gates, sought peace, made over hostages, swearing homage and oaths to the count.
[The first Plantagenet conquest]

Then he came to the city of Coutances, in the province of Cotentin. This place the count entered, captured without opposition (for the bishop was away) and filled with a garrison and provisions. He then summoned the barons of the province of Cotentin, requesting homage from them. They came and performed the requested service, all except Ralph and his brother, Richard de la Haye. The former, fortifying his castles against the count, was known to be in rebellioin; while the other, with a great force of two hundred or more soldiers, occupied Cherbourg, where he reckoned he would be able to


withstand the count. But the great-hearted count first ravaged Ralph's land, besieged his castles, and then with martial strength captured Ralph himself. Too late to repent because he had already attacked others, Ralph accepted his captivity peacefully in submission.

Count Geoffrey now advanced to Cherbourg. Having organized his companies of soldiers, and with engines carefully and skilfully constructed, he made ready with warlike preparations. At Cherbourg Julius Caesar had erected a fortress in preparation for his invasion of Great Britain. It was surrounded by the most stout walls, frequent towers have been set into the circuit of the wall so that scarcely a soldier's spear would fit between them. Inside the fortification, he set a tower higher that the others and a royal hall. Into this fortress he fled at the first attack of the Britons. Not undeservedly tradition has named this fortress 'Caesar's Stronghold'.

After occupying this place, Richard de la Haye filled it with knights, squires, armed men and large supplies of provisions. The he admonished them stoutly to resist Geoffrey. [Richard decided to cross the sea to King Stephen, from whom he would return leading forces of soldiers to break up the siege

and drive Count Geoffrey to flight.] Meanwhile, those who were in the fortress continued to resist the count, trusting not only in their own valour and in the great hoard of provisions which the tyrant Richard de la Haye had stored up there, but also in the impregnable defence of the towers. They hurled darts of weaponry and verbal abuse. The attackers returned missle for missle, but not word for word, not wishing to respond to their inanities. The Lord, however, in Whose hand are all the powers and kingdoms of every land, fought on the count's behalf, holding back his enemies and exalting him. For behold, when Richard de la Haye sailed he was captured by pirates, and taken away to foreign lands.

The unhappy news was taken to those who were resisting the count. The defenders' faces fell from grief, their shaken hope collapsed, they could only think of flight, and no way out was seen. So they handed back the strong fortress, crammed with supplies, willingly surrendered themselves to the count's authority. They promised binding allegiance under the guarantee of fealty by oath. These things having been carried out, the count judged the onset of winter to be close at hand. And with what he had taken from the castles, he disbanded the expedition.


A long strife had been waged between Stephen, the false king and Geoffrey, the count of Anjou: Geoffrey excelling and always more active in himself, Stephen weakening daily.

At the time when kings and princes are accustomed to advance to war, just after the bitterness of stormy Winter, when the gentle kindliness of Spring warms the scented airs and thickets blossom into flower, when rose-gardens, which but a little while ago were bare, are now garlanded with fresh roses, and when on wondering eyes the whiteness of flowering lilies plays. . . .

Henry of Huntingdon paints a quite different picture of the struggle between the house of Blois and Anjou for domination of Normandy and England. Not only does the chronicler show some sympathy -- albeit qualified -- for Stephen, but he sees the events of his reign almost entirely in an English -- and a Scottish -- context. This is immediately apparent in his description of Henry I's death and Stephen's accession in 1135.

On the death of the great King Henry I (1135), his character

was freely discussed by the people, as is usual after men are dead. Some contended that he was eminently distinguished for three brilliant gifts. These were: great wisdom, for his counsels were profound, his foresight keen and his eloquence commanding; success in war, for, besides other splendid achievements, he was victorious over the king of France [Louis VI]; and wealth, in which he far surpassed all his predecessors. Others, however, taking a different view, attributed to him three vices: avarice, as, though his wealth was great, in imitation of his progenitors he impoverished the people by taxes and exactions, entangling them in the toils of informers; cruelty, in that he gouged ou the eyes of his kinsman the count of Mortain whom he held captive, though the horrid deed was unknown until his death revealed the king's secrets, and they mentioned other instances of which I will say nothing; and lasciviousness, for, like King Solomon, he was perpetually enslaved by female seductions. Such remarks were freely spread about. But whatever King Henry did, whether tyrannically or justly as king, seemed wonderful in comparison with the times that followed, which were set ablaze by the atrocities of the Normans.


For in all haste came Stephen, the younger brother of Theobald count of Blois, a resolute and audacious man who, disregarding his oath of fealty to King Henry's daughter Matilda, tempted God by seizing the crown of England with boldness and effrontery. William archbishop of Canterbury, who had been the first to swear allegiance to Matilda, consecrated the new king, alas; wherefore the Lord visited him with the same judgement which he had inflicted on the man who struck Jeremiah, the great priest: he died within the year. Roger, the powerful bishop of Salisbury, who had taken a similar oath and persuaded others to do the same, contributed all in his power to raise Stephen to the throne. He too, by the just judgement of God, was afterwards thrown into prison and met a pitiful end, afflicted by the very king he had helped to make.

In short all the earls and barons who had thus sworn fealty transferred their allegiance to Stephen and did him homage. It was a bad sign, that the whole of England should so quickly, without hesitation or struggle, as if in the twinkling of an eye, submit to Stephen. After his coronation he held his court in London.[A brave and foolish king]

1136

Stephen, coming in the first year of his reign to Oxford, was told that David king of the Scots, pretending to pay him a friendly visit, had marched to Carlisle and Newcastle and captured both by stratagem. The king replied to the messenger, 'What he has gained by stratagem I will compel him to yield.' King Stephen therefore immediately assembled on of the greatest armies levied in England within the memory of man, and led it against King David. They met at Durham, where the king of the Scots came to terms, surrendering Newcastle but retaining Carlisle by Stephen's permission; and King David did not do homage to King Stephen, because he had been the first of all laymen to swear fealty to the late king's daughter, who was his own niece, acknowledging her queen of England after her father's death. But Henry, King David's son, did homage to Stephen, and Stephen gave him in addition the town of Huntingdon.

King Stephen, returning from the north, held his court during Easter at London, in a more spendid manner that had ever been known before, both for the number of attendants and the


magnificent display of gold, silver, jewels, costly robes and everything that was sumptuous.

1137

In the second year of his reign, King Stephen spent Christmas as Dunstable, and in Lent he sailed over to Normandy. Alexander bishop of Lincoln and many nobles crossed with him. There, from his experience in war, the king succeeded in all he undertook, defeated the schemes of his enemies, reduced their castles and obtained the highest glory. He made peace with the French king, to whom his son Eustace did homage for Normandy, which is a fief of the French crown.

Geoffrey count of Anjou was king Stephen's mortal enemy, for he had married King Henry's daughter Matilda, who had been empress of Germany and who had received oaths of fealty for the kingdom of England; so that the husband and wife laid claims to the crown. But, seeing that at present he could not make headway against King Stephen on account of his numerous forces and of the abundance of money found in the treasury of the late king, the count of Anjou came to terms with King Stephen. Thus successful, the king returned to England in triumph on the very eve of Christmas. These first two years of King Stephen's reign were very

fortunate; for the next year, of which I have now to speak, his fortunes were moderate and fitful; for the last two they were ruined and desperate.

1138

King Stephen, in the third year of his reign, with his usual energy went quickly to Bedford, and besieging it on Christmas Eve, pressed the siege during the whole festival, which was displeasing to God inasmuch as it made that holy season of little or no account.

After the surrender of Bedford King Stephen led his army into Scotland, for King David, in consequence of the oath which he had taken to King Henry's daughter, and under colour of religion, caused his followers to deal most barbarously with the English. They ripped open pregnant women and pulled out unborn bavies; they tossed children on the points of their spears, butchered priests at the altars and, cutting the heads off images on crucifixes, placed them on the bodies of the slain while in exchange they fixed on the crucifixes the heads of their victims. Wherever the Scots came there was the same scene of horror and cruelty: women shrieking, old men lamenting amid the groans of the dying and the despair of the living. King Stephen therefore,


invading Scotland, carried fire and sword through the southern part of the dominions of King David, who did not dare to oppose him.

The anonymous but contemporary author of The Deeds of Stephen, takes a somewhat less critical view of the Scots.

The king of Scotland, which country borders on England, only a river dividing the two, was a prince of great humanity who was born of religious parents and had not degenrated from them in goodness and piety. Along with the other great men, indeed the first of them all, he had taken the oath of allegiance to King Henry's daughter Matilda in that king's presence, and he was therefore deeply grieved that Stephen had usurped the crown of England; but as that was settled by the barons without his concurrence, he prudently awaited the result, watching the course of events.

At length he received letters from Matilda, complaining that she had been excluded from her father's will, robbed of the crown which had been secured to her and her husband by solemn oaths; that the laws were set aside and justice trodden underfoot,; and the sworn fealty of the English barons was broken and disregarded. She therefore earnestly and sorrowfully implored him as her kinsman to succour her in

her need, and as her liege vassal to aid her in her distress.

The king of Scotland was deeply grieved; and inflamed with zeal for a just cause, the ties of blood and regard for oath induced him to foment insurrections in England, that by so doing, by God's help, Stephen might be compelled to resign to its rightful owner the crown which it appeared to him, had been unjustly acquired. The king of the Scots entertained at his court the English exiles who continually urged him to these measures. King David therefore, for that was his name, published an edict throughout Scotland calling his people to arms, and changing his line of conduct, let loose without mercy a most fierce and destructive storm on the English people.

Scotland, also called Albany, is a country covered by extensive moors, but containing flourishing woods and pastures which feed large herds of cows and oxen. It has safe harbours, and is surrounded by fertile islands. The natives are savage and their habits uncleanly, but they are neither stunted by extreme cold nor debilitated by severe want. Swift of foot and lightly armed, they make bold and active soldiers. Among themselves they are so fearless as to think nothing of death; among strangers their cruelty is brutal and they sell their lives dearly.


We now return to the narration of Henry of Huntingdon.

After Easter 1138, the treason of the English nobles burst forth with great fury. Talbot, one of the rebels, held Hereford castle in Wales against King Stephen, which, however, the king besieged and took. Earl Robert of Gloucester, bastard son of King Kenry I, maintained himself in the strongly fortified castle of Bristol and in that of Leeds. William FitzAlan held Shrewsbury castle, which last the king stormed, and hanged some of the prisoners.

While the king was thus engaged in the south, David of Scotland again led an immense army into the north of England, against which the northern nobles, under the command of Thurstan, archbishop of York, made a resolute stand. The royal standard was planted at Northallerton and, as he was prevented by illness from being present at the battle, the archbishop commissioned Ralph bishop of Orkney to fill his place. Standing on a hillock in the centre of the army, Ralph roused the English nobles' courage with a speech.

Then all the English replied with a shout, and the mountains and hills re-echoed, 'Amen, Amen!' At the same moment the Scots raised their country's war cry, 'Alban, Alban', till it reached the clouds. The sounds were drowned amid the clash

of arms.[Wild Scots]

In the first onslaught the men of Lothian, without asking the king of the Scots, had assumed the honour of striking the first blow and bore down on the mailed English knights with a cloud of darts and their long spears. But they found the English ranks as impenetrable as a wall of steel; while archers, mingling with the knights, pierced the unarmoured Scots with a cloud of arrows. The whole army of English and Normans stood fast round the standard in one solid body.

Then the chief of the men of Lothian fell, pierced by an arrow, and all his followers were put to flight, for the Almighty was offended at them and their strength was rent like a cobweb. Seeing this, the main body of Scots, which was fighting bravely in another quarter, lost courage and also retreated. When King David's chosen body of soldiers, which he had selected from various tribes, saw this they also began to flee, first singly and then in troops, until the king stood almost alone, whereupon his friends compelled him to mount a horse and escape. But his brave son Henry, heedless of what his countrymen were doing and inspired only by his ardour for the fight and for glory, left those who were fleeing and made a fierce attack on the enemy's ranks. The body under his own command, composed of English and Normans attached


to his father's household, had retained their horses. But this body of cavalry could make no impression at all against men sheathed in armour and fighting on foot in close formation, so they were compelled to retire with wounded horses and shattered lances after a brilliant but unsuccessful attack.

It is reported that eleven thousand of the Scots fell on the field of battle, besides those who were found in the woods and corn fields and there slain. Our army gained this victory with very little effusion of blood. Its leaders were William count of Aumâle, William Peverel of Nottingham, Walter Espec, and Gilbert de Lacy, whose brother was the only knight slain. When the issue of the battle was reported to King Stephen, he and all who were with him offered thanks to the almighty God. It was fought in the month of August.

During Advent, Alberic, the papal legate and bishop of Ostia, held a synod at London in which Theobald, abbot of Bec, was made archbishop of Canterbury with the concurrence of King Stephen.

1139

In the fourth year of his reign, when Christmas was past, King Stephen besieged and took Leeds castle, after which he went

into Scotland, and by fire and sword compelled the king of Scots to come to terms, and brought away to England King David's son Henry. Stephen besieged Ludlow, where this Henry was dragged from his horse by an iron hook and taken prisoner, but was gallantly rescued from the enemy by King Stephen.

Leaving Ludlow untaken he went to Oxford, where he perpetrated a deed of great infamy and beyond all precedent. For, after amicably receiving Roger bishop of Salisbury and his nephew Alexander bishop of Lincoln, the king violently arrested them in his own palace, though they refused nothing which justice demanded, and earnestly appealed to it. The king threw Bishop Alexander into prison, and took the bishop of Salisbury with him to the bishop's castle of Devizes, one of the most stately in all Europe. There he tormented Roger by starvation and tortured his son, the king's chancellor, who had a rope fastened round his neck and was led to the gallows. Thus he extorted from him the surrender of his castle, forgetting the services which the bishop, more than all others, has rendered him in the beginning of his reign. Such was the return for the bishop's devotion.

In a similar manner the king obtained possession of Sherborne Castle, which was little inferior to Devizes. Having


got hold of the bishop's treasures, he used them to obtain in marriage for his son Eustace the hand of Constance, Louis the French king's sister. King Stephen then took back with him to Newark, Alexander bishop of Lincoln whom he had previously thrown into prison at Oxford. The bishop had built at Newark a castle in a florid style of architecture, on a charming site among the meadows washed by the River Trent. Having inspected this castle the king imposed on the bishop a fast not authorized by the Church, swearing that he should be deprived of food until the castle should be surrendered to him. But the bishop had some difficulty in persuading his garrison with prayers and tears to deliver it into the custody of strangers. Another of his castles, called Sleaford, not inferior in beauty and site, was surrendered in a similar manner.

Not long afterwards, when Henry bishop of Winchester, the king's brother and the pope's legate, held a synod at Winchester, Theobald archbishop of Canterbury and all the bishops present joined him in imploring the king on their bended knees to restore their possessions to the above-named bishops, with the understanding that they would overlook the indignities to which they had been subjected. However, unmoved by the entreaties of such a distinguished assemblage, the king, following evil counsels, refused to

grant their request.

This prepared the way for the eventual ruin of the house of Stephen. For the Empress Matilda, the late King Henry's daughter, who had received the fealty of the English, immediately came over to England and was received at Arundel castle. There she was besieged by the king who, listening to perfidious advice or finding the castle too strong to be take, granted her safe-conduct to Bristol.

That same year there died Roger, the bishop of whom I have just spoken, worn out by trouble and weight of years. My readers may well marvel at his sudden change of fortune, for, from his youth on, her favours had so accumulated that we might say that for once she had forgotten to turn her wheel: not in his whole career did he meet with any adverse events until a cloud of miseries gathered about him at the last. Let no one, then, depend on the continuance of fortune's favours, nor presume on her stability, not think that he can long maintain his seat on her revolving wheel.

1140

In the fifth year of his reign, King Stephen expelled from his see Nigel bishop of Ely, because he was the nephew of the


late bishop of Salisbury, against whom the king was so incensed that his anger extended to all the kindred.

Where the king spent Christmas and Easter does not matter, for now all that made the court splendid, and the regalia handed down from the long line of predecessors, had disappeared. The treasury, left full, was now empty; there was no peace in the kingdom, but slaughter, fire and rapine spread ruin throughout the land; cries of distress, horror and woe rose in every quarter.

1141

In the sixth year of his reign, over Christmas, King Stephen laid seige to Lincoln, the defences of which Rannulf, earl of Chester had siezed by a trick. The king stayed there until 2 February. Then the earl, with Robert of Gloucester, his father-in-law and King Henry I's son, and other powerful nobles, assembled to raise the siege. The daring earl crosses an almost impassable marsh, drew up his forces and offered the king battle on the same day. He and his men formed the first line; those whom King Stephen had disinherited the second, and Robert and his men the third. A crowd of Welshmen, brave rather than well armed, was on the wings.

Meanwhile, King Stephen in great anxiety heard solemn

mass. But as he was putting the wax candle, the usual royal offering, into the hand of Bishop Alexander, it broke. This was a bad omen for the king. The pyx, which contained the Lord's body, broke its chain while the bishop was present, and fell on the altar -- a sign of the king's ruin. Nevertheless, he set out bravely and cautiously drew up his forces. He himself was on foot, with all the men-at-arms dismounted and drawn up close around him; the earls and their men were ordered to form two mounted lines, but the cavalry force was extremely small. The false and factious earls had brought few forces with them, but the king's force was very large, some of them accompanying the king's standard. Then, as King Stephen lacked an agreeable voice, Baldwin FitzGilbert, a nobleman and a valiant knight, was told to address the army. Before he had finished his speech the sounds of the enemy were heard, trumpet blasts and the neighing of horses, making the earth shake.

The battle began. The disinherited, who were in the van, fell on the royal division in which were Earl Alan, the count of Meulan, Hugh, earl of East Anglia, Earl Simon, and the Earl Warenne with such impetus that the latter were scattered in the twinkling of an eye; some of them were killed, others captured, and some fled.

The division commanded by the count of Aumâle and


William of Ypres attacked the Welsh on the wings, and put them to flight. But this group was then attacked by the earl of Chester's men, and scattered in a moment like the others. Thus, all the king's cavalry fled and also William of Ypres, from Flanders, a man of aristocratic blood and worth. Since he was experienced in war and saw that is was impossible to help the king, he deferred his aid for better times. So King Stephen was left on foot in the midst of his enemies. They encircled the royal troops and attacked from all sides, like one attacks a castle. Then could be seen the horrible face of war all round the royal army, with sparks flying as swords crashed on helments, and awful screams and shouts resounding from the hills and walls of the city. The cavalry charged the royal army; some were killed, others trampled, and many captured.

There was no respite or time to draw breath except where the king himself, who was very strong, was standing, his enemies being afraid of the imcomparable force of his blows. When the earl of Chester saw this he envied the king's glory and charged him with the full weight of his armoured men. Then the king's power really shone as with a great battle axe he felled some and scattered others. A new shout went up: 'Everyone onto him! Him against everyone!' At length the king's axe was shattered by the repeated blows. Then Stephen drew his sword, worthy of the royal arm, and wrought

wonders until it too was broken. Seeing this, William of Cahagnes, a valiant knight, charged the king and seizing him by the helmet shouted, 'Here everyone, here, I've got the king!' They all rushed in and the king was captured. Baldwin who had given the speech was also taken; he was severely wounded and his resistance won him eternal glory. Richard FitzUrse was captured as well; he had also gained glory in the fight.

The king's army continued the battle until he was captured; they were surrounded, so they could not flee, and were all either killed or captured. The city was given over to plunder, and the king led miserably into it.

And so God's judgement was passed on King Stephen; he was led before the Empress Matilda, and imprisoned in Bristol castle. The empress was regarded as their lady by all the English except in Kent, where the queen and William of Ypres fought against her with all their might. She was first recognized by the bishop of Winchester, the papal legate, and soon afterward by the Londoners. But she was puffed up with intolerable pride because her followers had been so successful in the uncertainties of war, and she alienated everyone from her. So, whether by conspiracy of by divine providence (for whatever men do is by the will of God) she was expelled


from London. With a woman's bitterness she then had King Stephen, the Lord's anointed, put in fetters.

After a while, with her uncle the king of the Scots and her brother Robert of Gloucester, Matilda gathered her forces and besieged the bishop of Winchester's castle. The bishop sent for the queen and William of Ypres, and for almost all the barons of England. Both sides assembled large armies. There was fighting every day, not large battles but skirmishing. In these engagements valiant deeds were not lost, as they are in the blindness of war, but everyone's valour could be seen and glory be awarded for merit; so this interval was pleasing to everyone as their splendid deeds were more visible.

At length the Londoners' army arrived, and as it increased the number of the empress's enemies she had to flee. Many were captured in the flight, among them her brother Robert, in whose castle the king was imprisoned and whose capture alone let the king out: they were exchanged. And so the king, who had been captured by God's judgement, was set free by God's mercy, and the barons of England received him with great rejoicing.

1142

In the seventh year of his reign, the king besieged Empress

Matilda at Oxford, from after Michaelmas till Advent. Not long before Christmas the empress escaped across the frozen Thames wrapped in white clothes, deceiving the besiegers by appearing so like the dazzling snow. She fled to the castle of Wallingford, and Oxford was surrendered to the king.[Anarchy and War]

1143

In the eighth year of his reign, King Stephen was present at a synod in London in mid-Lent, which was held there by the legate, Bishop Henry of Winchester, on account of the extremities to which the clergy were reduced. For no respect was paid to them or to God's holy Church by marauders, and the clergy were made prisoners and held to ransom just as if they were laymen. The synod, therefore, decreed that no one who laid violent hands on a cleric should be absolved except by the pope himself in person. This decree scarcely obtained any relief for them.

The same year the king arrested Earl Geoffrey de Mandeville, in the royal court at St Albans, an act more fitting the earl's deserts that public law, more expedient than just. But if he head not taken this step, the king would have been driven from the throne by the earl's treachery. To obtain his liberty Geoffrey surrendered the Tower of London, the castle of


Walden and that of Pleshey. The earl, thus stripped of his possessions, seized the abbey of Ramsey and, expelling the monks, garrisoned it with robbers, turning the house of God into a den of thieves. He was indeed a man of great valour, but resolute in ungodliness; diligent in worldly affairs, but negligent in spiritual.[The Cistercian phenomenon]

1144

King Stephen, in the ninth year of his reign, laid siege to Lincoln. While he was preparing siegeworks for the attack on the castle, which Rannulf earl of Chester had taken possession of by force, almost eighty of his workmen were suffocated in the trenches, whereupon the king broke up the siege in confusion.

The same year Earl Geoffrey de Mandeville gave the king much trouble, and distinguished himself more than others. In the month of August, providence displayed its justice in a remarkable manner; for two of the nobles who had converted monasteries into fortifications, expelling the monks, met with similar punishments, their sin being the same. Robert Marmion was one, who had committed this iniquity in the church of Coventry; Geoffrey de Mandeville had penetrated the same, as I have said, in Ramsey Abbey. Robert Marmion,

issuing forth against his enemy, was slain under the walls of the monastery, being the only one who fell though he was surrounded by his troops. Dying excommunicated, he became subject to death everlasting. In like manner, Earl Geoffrey was singled out among his followers, and shot with an arrow by a common foot soldier. He made light of the wound but he died of it in a few days, under excommunication. This was the just judgement of God, memorable through all ages. While that abbey was converted into a fortress, blood exuded from the walls of the church and the adjacent cloister, witnessing the divine indignation and foretelling the destruction of the ungodly. This was seen by many, and I observed it with my own eyes.

1145

In the tenth year of King Stephen, Hugh Bigod was the first to make a movement, but in the summer, Earl Robert and the whole body of the king's enemies set to work to build a castle at Faringdon. The king lost no time in collecting troops and marching there at the head of a numerous and formidable body of Londoners. After daily assaults on the castle, while Earl Robert and his adherents were waiting for fresh forces not far from the king's army, the castle was taken with much slaughter.


1146

King Stephen, in the eleventh year of his reign, assembling a great army, built an impregnable siege-work against the castle at Wallingford, and Rannulf earl of Chester, who had now joined the royal side, was present with a large force. Afterwards, however, when the earl came peaceably to attend the king's court at Northampton, fearing nothing of the sort, he was arrested and kept prisoner until he gave up the strong castle of Lincoln which he had seized by a stratagem, as well as all the other castles which belonged to him. Then the earl was set free to go where he pleased.

1147

In the twelfth year of his reign, King Stephen wore his crown during Christmas at Lincoln, which no king, because of some superstition, had ever ventured to do before. This showed his great resolution and how little importance he attached to such superstitions. After the king's departure the earl of Chester came to Lincoln with an armed force to assault the castle; but the chief commander of his troops, a man of great courage and fortune, was slain at the entrance of the north gate of the town, and the earl himself, having lost many of his followers, was compelled to retreat; upon which, rejoicing in their successful defence, the citizens offered special thanks to the

Blessed Virgin, their patron and protectress.

At Whitsun, Louis king of France, Thierry count of Flanders and the count of St Gilles, with an immense multitude from every part of France and numbers of the English, took the cross and journeyed to Jerusalem intending to expel the infidels who had taken the city of Edessa.

1148

In this year the armies of the emperor of Germany and the king of France were annihilated, though they were led by illustrious commanders and had commenced their march in the proudest confidence. But God despised them, and their incontinence rose up to him, for they abandoned themselves to open fornication and to adulteries hateful to God, and to robbery and every sort of wickedness. First they were starved by famine, through the false conduct of the emperor of Constantinople; and afterwards they were destroyed by the enemy's sword. King Louis and the emperor took refuge at Antioch, and afterwards at Jerusalem with the remnant of their followers; and the king of France, wishing to do something to restore his reputation, laid siege to Damascus with the aid of the Knights Templar of Jerusalem and a force collected from all quarters. But lacking the favour of God, and therefore having no success, he returned to France.
[The disastrous crusade]


1149

In the fourteenth year of King Stephen's reign David King of the Scots knighted his own nephew Henry. As a large force was assembled for this ceremony, David having a large retinue, and his nephew having his own following the nobles of the west of England, King Stephen was alarmed lest they should proceed to attack York. He therefore established himself in that city with a large army and remained there all the month of August. Meanwhile Stephen's son Eustace, who was also knighted the same year, invaded the territories of the barons who were in attendance upon Henry the empress's son, and, as there was no one to oppose him, he laid them waste with fire and sword. But the kings of England and Scotland, the one at York, the other at Carlisle, fearing to attack each other, avoided meeting, and thus separated peaceably, each to his home.

1150

King Stephen in the fifteenth year of his reign made an assault on the beautiful city of Worcester and, having taken it, committed it to flames: but he was uable to reduce the castle which was inside the city. It belonged to Waleran count of Meulan, to whom King Stephen had granted it, much to his own disadvantage. The royal army, having plundered the city, overran the territories of the hostile lords and, no one resisting them, carried off an immense booty.

1151

In this year, the count of Anjou, Geoffrey the Fair, who was King Henry I's son-in-law and the son of the king of Jerusalem and a man of great eminence, passed away.

Geoffrey's death if given far more lavish treatment by John of Marmoutier.

So, it was that in the forty-first year of his own age, on 7 September 1151, the victorious duke of the Normans, of the people of Anjou, Touraine and Maine, returning from a royal council, having been take seriously ill with a fever at Château-du-Loir, collapsed on his couch. Then, looking into the future of his land and his people with the spirit of prophecy, he forbade Henry his heir to introduce the customs of Normandy or England into his own county, nor the reverse, as it might be, according to the succession of changing fortune.

Then, having made bequestes of grants, gifts and charities, the death of so great a prince having been foretold by a comet, his body returned his spirit from earth to heaven. What wonder if death, which opposes and repels nature, should struggle for Geoffrey from his youth, since, according to Cicero: 'Young men often seem to die in the same way as with much water the strength of a flame is extinguished, and just at apples which are unripe have to be picked from the trees by


force, yet fall if ripe and ready, so force bears away the life from young men and maturity takes it from the old.'

Geoffrey was buried in the most holy church of Saint-Julien at Le Mans, in a most noble tomb which the righteous bishop, William of pious fame, had build fittingly. Such a venerable likeness of the count was fashioned there, suitably ornamented with gold and precious stones, that if seemed to express their doom for the proud and grace to the humble. At the altar of the crucifix, at which the dead man lay, a chaplain was appointed by the bishop with a stipend in perpetuity, who each day offered the sacrifice to God for the count's sake, so that the holy and merciful Lord might deign to have mercy on the count's wretchedness. He who lives and reigns eternally.

Henry of Huntingdon, despite his not wholly unsympathetic approach to Stephen, prudently glorifies his successor to be, Henry of Anjou, duke of Normandy.

1152

Geoffrey left to his eldest son, Henry of Anjou and Normandy, the hereditary claim to England which he had never made good. Now it happened that Louis VII, king of the French, had been divorced from his wife, the daughter of the count of Poitou, on grounds of consanguinity. So the new

Duke Henry married her, and through her held the county of Poitou, a great increase in his honours. This marriage was the cause and promoter of great hatred and discord between the king of France and the duke.[An end and a beginning]

Eustace, king Stephen's son, with the king of France, now made considerable assaults on Normandy, and the duke valiantly resisted both of them and the French army. Then King Louis collected all his foes and assaulted an immensely strong, almost impregnable castle called Neufmarché, captured it, and gave it to Eustace, son of the king of England, who had married his daughter.

In the seventeenth year of his reign, King Stephen proposed to have his son Eustace crowned. Asking the archbishop and other bishops whom he had assembled to anoint and bless Eustace, he met with refusal. For the pope, by his letters, had prohibited the archbishop from crowning the king's son because King Stephen was held to have seized the throne unlawfully. Both father and son were cut to the quick by this and, greatly enraged, they ordered the churchmen to be shut up in a certain house and tried to force them with threats to do what they asked. They were terrified for King Stephen never liked priests, and had once imprisoned two bishops but held firm though fearing for their heads. At length, they escaped unhurt, though despoiled of their goods which the king later


gave back when he repented.

The same year, the king besieged Newbury castle, not far from Winchester, and captured it. From there he besieged Wallingford, building a siege castle at the entrance to the bridge which prevented free access and the delivery of supplies to the besieged. Now hard pressed, they asked their lord, the duke of Normandy, either to send help or to give them permission to surrender the castle into the king's hands.

1153

In the eighteenth year of King Stephen's reign the duke of Normandy, Henry of Anjou, impelled by necessity, paid an unexpected visit to England. This miserable country, previously devastated, seemed to regain new life with his arrival.[Poitiers Cathedral]

When the glorious duke was blown by a tempest onto the shores of England the land rustled with rumours, like a reed-bed at a touch of wind. The news spread quickly, as usual, bringing joy and happiness to some, fear and sorrow to others. But those who were delighted at his arrival were a little alarmed that he had brought so few men with him, while equally the worries of his enemies were lightened. Some thought that crossing the stormy sea in the middle of winter

was brave, others found it rash. But the brave youth gathered together his supporters, both those he had brought and those he found, and hating delay above all, laid siege to Malmesbury castle.

Since the virtues of such a man are many and great I shall have to deal with them quickly or the story of his deeds will take too long. The castle was besieged (for he was never one to procrastinate), assaulted and soon taken. When the town had fallen, the great keep alone held out, held for the king by Jordan and conquerable only by famine. Jordan sallied out to tell King Stephen of these events. Disturbed by the evil tidings, the king's face changed from dignity fo grief, and energetically he collected his forces and encamped not far from Malmesbury.

The day after his arrival he drew up his army containing a great number of excellent and distinguished knights. It was a huge army with many barons, their banners glittering with gold, beautiful and terrible indeed; but God, in whom alone is safety, was not with them. For the floodgates of heaven opened, and such bitter cold gusts of wind and pouring rain were driven into their faces that Goc himself seemed to be fighting for the duke. But the army marched in order, though as if fighting the power of God, and suffering greatly.


The young duke's army relied on valour rather than numbers, especially because the justice of the cause for which they were fighting ensured that they were strengthened by God's grace. It was drawn up not far from the walls of the town of Malmesbury, by the banks of a stream to which the inundations of rain and snow had lent such strength that to go in was terrifying and, once in, there would be no coming out.

The noble youth was at the head of his army, his physical beauty betokening that of the soul, and marked out by arms worthy of him, which suited him so well that we may say that his arms did not so much become him as he his arms. He and his men had the gale at their backs, the king's army had it in their faces, so that they could barely hold their weapons or their dripping wet lances.

Since God intended that his child should be granted the land without shedding blood, and neither side would cross the river, the king, no longer able to withstand such floods of rain, retraced his steps to London, his discomfiture complete. So the besieged castle was surrendered to the duke, who hurried delightedly to do what he had come for, namely to relieve the castle of Wallingford by now on the verge of being starved out.

Collecting a large body of troops to take provisions to the beleaguered garrison, God so favoured his design that it was

carried out without opposition. Although there were many castles in the area held by royal troops, through God's will they were not able to prevent his coming and going. After a little while the valiant duke assembled all the knights who were on his side and besieged the castle of Crowmarsh. He began this difficult and arduous task by digging a great ditch around both the king's castle and his own army, so that his own only way out was by Wallingford castle, while the besieged had no way out at all.

When the king heard this he mustered all the forces from the areas that obeyed him, and descended furiously on the duke, who, however, was not at all afraid even though his forces were less than the king's, and who promptly ordered the ditch he had had dug to protect his army to be filled in. Raising the siege Henry marched out splendidly to meet the king. When the royal army saw the unexpected sight of their enemies drawn up for battle in front of them, they were struck by sudden panic, but the king was not in the least afraid and ordered his men to march out from camp in battle array. But the barons, those betrayers of England, objected to this, trying for terms of peace. Although they loved nothing better than disunity, yet they were unwilling to fight a battle, as they did not wish either side to win. For if one side was defeated, they would be easily dominated by the other, but if each side had the other to fear, royal power could not be exercised over them.


The king and the duke did not wish to be compelled to make a truce, each realizing the treachery of his supporters. But as usual, God was on the duke's side. They agreed that the royal castle which the duke had besieged should be destroyed. The king and the duke had a conference alone together, across a small stream, about making a lasting peace between themselves, and each complained to the other about the treachery of his nobles. The peace treaty was begun here, but not completed until another occasion.

Their quarrel was still unsettled when the two went back to their quarters, but light had begun to dawn on the great duke's fortunes. For two of his most hostile and powerful enemies, namely the king's on Eustace and Simon, earl of Northampton, were snatched away by the providence of God at the same time, and in consequence all his opponents suddenly lost hope and courage.

They both died of the same illness in the same week. Earl Simon, who did everything that was unlawful and indecent, was buried at Northampton. The king's son was buried in an abbey founded by his mother at Faversham, an experienced knight but an ungodly man, very harsh with the leaders of the Church, being their determined persecutor. In removing the most formidable adversaries of his beloved Henry, God was most kindly preparing the way for his peaceful reign.

The third siege was of Stamford castle. The town fell at once, but the castle garrison sent to the king for help. The king was besieging Ipswich, held against him by Hugh Bigod and, as the king did not wish to raise his siege and so could not come to its aid, the castle was surrendered to Prince Henry; but the castle the king was besieging also surrendered. The Norman duke left Stamford and went to Nottingham, and immediately took the town, which was then burnt by the castle garrison. Moved by pity, the duke took his army elsewhere.

Meanwhile, archbishop Theobald was trying hard to arrange a peace agreement, having frequent discussions with the king and dealing with the duke by messenger. He was helped in this by Henry of Blois, bishop of Winchester, who had first stirred up the kingdom by giving his brother Stephen the crown; but not he repented, seeing everything destroyed by fire and slaughter, and tried to put an end to such evils by getting the princes to agree.

The providence of God, which creates both good and evil, put an end to the scourging of England, bringing a conclusion to what had been begun by having peace confirmed on both to shine in serenity.[Gifts to heaven]

What inestimable joy! O blessed day! when the king himself received the young prince at Winchester with a magnificent


procession of bishops and nobles through the cheering crowds.

The king received him as his adopted son and recognized him as his heir. From there, the king took the duke to London, where he was received with no less joy by enormous crowds and splendid processions worthy of such a man. Thus, by God's mercy, peace dawned on the ruined realm of England, putting an end to its troubled night.

When this was over, King Stephen and his new son parted with joy and love soon to meet again, for the peace was confirmed before Christmas.

1154

On 13 January they again came together at Oxford, when the duke had just spent a year conquering, or rather resuscitating, England. There, all the great men of England, on the king's order, did homage and due fealty to their lord the duke, saving the honour and loyalty they owed to the king during his life-time. They all left this splendid assembly filled with joy and delight at the new peace.

It was not long before they had another meeting, at Dunstable, where, however, a small cloud appeared on the horizon. The duke was displeased that the castles built

everywhere for nefarious purposes after King Henry I's death had not been destroyed as was provided for in the peace finally agreed between Stephen and himself. Many of them already had been, but King Stephen, through mercy or guile, had spared some of his men's castles, which seemed to undermine the treaty. The duke complained to the king about this, but was rebuffed. Nonetheless, giving way to his new father, he reluctantly deferred the matter for frar that it would upset their agreement, and they parted amicably.

Not long afterwards, with the king's permission the duke returned triumphantly to Normandy. This was what Henry, the most illustrious of youths, did on his second visit to England.

Let me not be accused of telling his many glorious deeds too briefly; I have to tell the stories of so many kings and their acts over so many centuries, that to be exhaustive would have taken volumes. My idea was rather to summarize history in one book so that posterity will not be completely ignorant.

Now back to business. When the duke returned to France he was duly received with joy and honour by his mother Matilda, his brothers and all the people of Normandy, Anjou, Maine and Poitou. King Stephen, now reigning in peace for the first time, was given the honour due to a king, thanks to his adopted son. But, how mad are mortals, and how endless their perversity! Certain men 'whose teeth were spears or arrows,


and their tongue a sharp sword', tried very hard to sow discord between the king and the absent duke. The king could hardly resist their persuasion and after a while, some thought he was no longer resisting them; but, pretending to disapprove, the king listened not unwillingly to evil counsel.

However men are one thing, God's judgement another, and He rightly finished what was started by bringing the wicked plotting of evil counsellors to nought. King Stephen besieged the castle of Drake near York, and having captured it, and destroyed many other castles, went to Dover to talk to the count of Flanders. During the conference he fell ill, and on 25 October, 1154, he died. He was buried in Faversham Abbey beside his wife and son, having reigned unhappily and with great labour for nineteen years.

Archbishop Theobald and many of the English nobles quickly sent messengers to tell their lord the duke of Normandy to come soon and take over the kingdom. Delayed by wind and sea, and other causes, he landed a few days before Christmas in the New Forest, with his wife, his brothers, many nobles and a large force. England was without a king for about six weeks, but by God's grace the peace was not disturbed, either from love or fear of the future king. When Henry landed he went to London, where, suitably for such a distinguished and favoured man, he was blessed as king with great joy, many crying for happiness, and splendidly enthroned.

[Henry's succession]

[Part 3]